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## Select Bibliography
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Arendt, Hannah. The Human Condition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958.
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Bloch, Marc. Feudal Society. Translated by L. A. Manyon. London: Routledge, 1961.
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Cassirer, Ernst. The Myth of the State. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1946.
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———. An Essay on Man. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1944.
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Duby, Georges. The Three Orders: Feudal Society Imagined. Chicago: University
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of Chicago Press, 1980.
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Ganshof, F. L. Feudalism. Translated by Philip Grierson. New York: Harper,
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1961.
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Hilton, R. H. Bond Men Made Free. London: Temple Smith, 1973.
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Maitland, F. W. Domesday Book and Beyond. Cambridge: Cambridge University
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Press, 1897.
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Postan, M. M. The Medieval Economy and Society. London: Weidenfeld, 1972.
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Vinogradoff, Paul. Villainage in England. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1892.
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# Contents
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Preface......vii
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One. The Setting......1
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Two. The Quarrel......22
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Three. The Break......45
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Four. The Settlement......70
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Five. After the Settlement......99
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Appendix A. The Renders......121
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Appendix B. The Mills......134
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Bibliography......150
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Index......161
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## Chapter One
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There are no page markers in this text, because the format it was converted
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from had none. A chunker that needs pages will produce nothing useful here,
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and one that falls back to character position will find the chapter correctly.
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The chapter itself concerns the difference between a right and a habit. A
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right can be pleaded; a habit can only be described. The men in these records
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pleaded habits as though they were rights, and the courts, with a patience
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that is easy to underestimate, let them.
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## Chapter Two
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The second chapter takes the same question into a period where the records are
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better. Better records make the problem worse rather than easier, because they
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show how much of what looked like custom was in fact a settlement of a dispute
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that had gone the other way a generation earlier.
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Custom, in this reading, is the name given to the outcome of a quarrel nobody
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alive remembers having. It is stable exactly as long as the memory of the
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quarrel is dead and the conditions that produced the settlement persist. When
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either changes, custom turns out to have been a treaty all along.
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## Chapter Three
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What remains is to say what this means for the wider argument, which is less
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than it might appear. The valley was not typical. It was chosen because its
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documents survive, and documents survive where somebody had a reason to keep
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them, which is itself a fact about the place.
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# Index
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abbey, 44, 47, 91
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advowson, 12
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agriculture, 12, 34, 102
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assize, 7, 19-22
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bishops, 7
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boon-work, 88
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charters, 88, 91
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commons, 14, 15, 16
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demesne, 14-16
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escheat, 120
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estates, 3, 44
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fealty, 201
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frankpledge, 55, 56
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heriot, 61
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homage, 3, 4, 201
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manor, 1-8, 14, 33
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merchet, 62
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mill, 71-79, 84
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villein, 90, 91, 104
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wardship, 118
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## Notes
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12. Arendt, *The Human Condition* (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958), 44.
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13. Bloch, *Feudal Society*, vol. 2, p. 17. See also Duby, op. cit., 203.
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14. The point is made at length in Maitland, *Domesday Book and Beyond* (Cambridge, 1897), 220-24, and again, with qualifications, in Vinogradoff, *Villainage in England* (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1892), 88.
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15. Ibid., 91.
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16. https://example.org/records/valley, consulted 12 March.
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## Notes
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12. Arendt, *The Human Condition* (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958), 44.
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13. Bloch, *Feudal Society*, vol. 2, p. 17. See also Duby, op. cit., 203.
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14. The point is made at length in Maitland, *Domesday Book and Beyond* (Cambridge, 1897), 220-24, and again, with qualifications, in Vinogradoff, *Villainage in England* (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1892), 88.
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15. Ibid., 91.
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16. https://example.org/records/valley, consulted 12 March.
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<!-- Page 40 -->
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One sentence follows another without a paragraph break for the whole of this page, which is the case the sentence splitter exists for. The mill stood at the northern end of the valley, where the fall of the river was steepest and the ice came latest. Its wheel was undershot, which was wasteful, and nobody replaced it for two hundred years because the cost of replacing it fell on one household and the benefit was spread across four hundred. The abbey's mill, two miles downstream, was overshot and newer and better, and the abbey charged more to use it, which the valley resented and paid. When the lord's wheel finally failed, in a winter the chronicle calls hard without saying how hard, the valley ground at the abbey for eleven months and discovered that it preferred the abbey's flour. The lord rebuilt anyway. He had to: the right to compel grinding was worth more than the flour, because it was the visible sign that he could compel anything at all. A right that is never exercised is a right that is being tested, and he knew it, and so did they. The rebuilt mill ran for another century and was still running, badly, when the survey of 1439 recorded it as ruinous and in use. That phrase, ruinous and in use, is as good a description of the whole arrangement as anything a historian has managed since.
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This preface was set before the pagination began, and any tool that starts
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reading at the first page marker will lose it. That has happened, and it cost
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a book all but two thousand of its characters.
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<!-- Page 1 -->
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# I. The Setting
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The valley is twelve miles long and never more than two wide. At its northern
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end the river enters through a gorge that no road followed until the last
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century; at its southern end it leaves through a marsh that no road follows
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yet. Everything that happened here happened to people who could not easily
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leave, and who knew it.
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The population in the first surviving survey is given as four hundred and six
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households, which at the usual multiplier means somewhere near two thousand
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people. That figure held, within a tenth either way, for three hundred years.
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<!-- Page 2 -->
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What changed was not how many people lived in the valley but what they owed
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for the privilege. The earliest schedule lists eleven separate renders, seven
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of them in kind. The latest lists two, both in coin. Between those two
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documents lies the whole of the argument.
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It would be convenient to say that the change was gradual. It was not. Two
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thirds of it happens in a single generation, in the middle of the fourteenth
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century, for reasons the documents do not give and which have to be supplied
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from outside.
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<!-- Page 3 -->
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# II. The Quarrel
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The quarrel began over a mill. It nearly always does. A mill is the one piece
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of capital in a village that everybody must use and only one person can own,
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and the law of the mill is therefore the law of the place in miniature.
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The lord's mill stood at the northern end, where the fall was steepest. The
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abbey's mill stood two miles downstream, on land the abbey had been given by a
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man whose grandson disputed the gift. Both houses claimed the right to compel
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the valley's tenants to grind at their own stones, and both were prepared to
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break the other's.
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The argument of this chapter is that the obligation ran both ways, and that
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contemporaries said so plainly whenever they were asked. A lord who could not
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protect was a lord who could not command, and the men who owed him service
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said as much in language that has survived in the court rolls.
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What the rolls do not say, and what has to be inferred, is how often the
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obligation was actually tested. A tenant who withheld service in a year of
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famine was not making a constitutional argument; he was hungry. The clerk who
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recorded the withholding had no vocabulary for the difference, and so the
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record flattens the two into one offence with one penalty.
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This flattening is the central difficulty of the sources. It is not that they
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lie. It is that the categories they were written in were designed to produce a
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number at the bottom of a column, and a number at the bottom of a column
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cannot distinguish a rebellion from a bad harvest. Everything that follows
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depends on reading around that limitation rather than through it.
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Three approaches have been tried. The first counts the offences and treats the
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count as a proxy for discontent, which assumes the clerk's attention was
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constant across years when we know it was not. The second reads the language
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of the entries for signs of unusual trouble, which works where a clerk was
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talkative and fails entirely where he was not. The third, adopted here,
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compares the same manor across decades and treats changes in what was recorded
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as evidence about the recorder as much as about the recorded.
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None of the three is satisfactory, and the third has the particular weakness
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that it needs a long run of documents from a single place. There are not many
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such runs. The ones that exist are concentrated in the south and east, which
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is to say in exactly the regions where the argument is least likely to be
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surprising. A reader who wants to know what happened in the north will find
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this chapter unsatisfying, and the reason is that the documents do not exist,
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not that the question is uninteresting.
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<!-- Page 5 -->
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# Ἀθῆναι and Μόσχα
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Le café était naïve, and the first ligature in that sentence is a single
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codepoint rather than two letters, which is the sort of thing that moves a
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token boundary without moving a character boundary.
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東京から来た手紙には、日付が二つ書いてあった。One was the date it was written
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and the other was the date it was meant to be read, and the difference between
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them is the whole subject of this section.
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مرحبا — the paragraph above is followed by a right-to-left greeting, then by a
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combining acute on a bare e: é. None of this is unusual in a converted
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book, and all of it has broken a chunker at some point.
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Straße, Ægypt, first, ॐ. The list is arbitrary. Its purpose is to be awkward.
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